Colorado 1992 Cold Case Solved — arrest shocks community
Colorado 1992 Cold Case Solved — arrest shocks community

On the afternoon of September 19th, 1992, a Forest Service ranger named David Colchack made a discovery in the remote back country of western Colorado that would become one of the most disturbing mass homicide cases in the state’s modern history. Along a narrow drainage known locally as Serpent Creek, approximately 14 miles from the nearest maintained trail, Colchack found the remains of 12 individuals scattered across a/4 mile stretch of canyon floor.
All had died from gunshot wounds. None carried identification. Their backpacks had been opened and searched. Their bodies had been partially concealed under brush and rock. The victims were eventually identified as members of two separate hiking groups who had departed from different trail heads on September 11th, 1992, 8 days before their discovery.
They ranged in age from 19 to 53. They came from five different states. Most had no prior connection to one another before the trip. According to the medical examiner’s findings, all 12 died within a span of approximately 40 minutes on the evening of September 12th. What happened in that canyon and why would take investigators nearly 7 months to reconstruct? The answers, when they emerged, revealed not a random act of violence, but a methodical execution carried out by men who believed they had no alternative.
This is the story of how a series of decisions, some made in desperation, others in fear, converged in one of the most isolated places in the lower 48 states and resulted in the deaths of 12 people who were simply in the wrong place at the wrong time. The events of September 1992 took place in the Unaag Plateau region of western Colorado.
A vast expanse of high desert, forested meases, and deep sandstone canyons situated between the towns of Naturita and Gateway. This is not the Colorado of ski resorts and mountain tourism. The uncompigra plateau is largely undeveloped with few paved roads, sparse cell coverage even by modern standards, and long stretches where the only infrastructure consists of old mining roads dating back to the uranium boom of the 1950s.
By 1992, the region had been in economic decline for more than a decade. The collapse of uranium prices in the late 1970s had hollowed out the local economy. Towns like Naturita, which once had a population approaching 2,000, had shrunk to fewer than 600 full-time residents. Storefronts stood empty. Schools consolidated.
Young people left for opportunities elsewhere. Those who remained were largely older, tied to land. Their families had worked for generations or individuals who preferred isolation. The canyon where the killings occurred, officially designated as Serpent Creek Canyon on topographic maps, is a narrow, winding drainage that cuts through Windgate sandstone cliffs rising 300 ft above the creek bed.
Water flows only seasonally, and by September, it had been reduced to scattered pools. The canyon floor is choked with cottonwood, willow, and Russian olive thicket. Visibility is limited. Sound carries strangely, bouncing off rock walls in unpredictable ways. It is the kind of place where you can be 20 yards from another person and never know they are there.
Access to Serpent Creek Canyon required either a strenuous 2-day hike from the nearest official trail head or knowledge of old mining roads that branched off from County Road 90.7, a dirt track that saw perhaps a dozen vehicles per week during the summer months. Local hunters and ranchers knew these roads. Outsiders did not. This isolation made the canyon ideal for activities that required privacy.
In the fall of 1992, the uncompig plateau was also part of a trafficking corridor. Colorado’s location, bordered by Utah to the west and New Mexico to the south, made it a natural transit point for drug shipments, moving from production areas in Mexico to distribution hubs in Denver, Salt Lake City, and beyond. Rural areas with limited law enforcement presence were particularly vulnerable.
A single sheriff’s deputy might be responsible for patrolling 500 square miles. State police focused on highways. The Bureau of Land Management had neither the mandate nor the manpower for active interdiction. For those willing to take the risk, moving product through backcountry routes offered substantial reward with minimal oversight.
This was the environment into which 12 hikers walked in September 1992 and where three men were attempting to complete a transaction they believed would solve their immediate financial desperation. The three men responsible for the killings were Russell James Vickers aged 34, his younger brother Curtis Wayne Vickers, aged 29, and a longtime associate named Michael Dean Hobarted 38.
All three were born and raised in Montrose County. All three had criminal records, though none for violent offenses, prior to September 1992. Russell Vickers was the eldest son of a ranching family that had worked the same 200 acres of semi-arid land outside Naturita since the 1940s. He had been a competent student and a talented high school football player.
After graduation, he worked for his father and took community college classes in agricultural management. By all accounts, he had been on a conventional path. But when the ranching economy collapsed in the mid 1980s, foreclosures swept the region. The Vicer’s family lost their land in 1987. Russell’s father, unable to accept the loss, died by suicide less than a year later.
His mother moved to Grand Junction to live with relatives. Russell and his younger brother Curtis tried to make a living through a series of jobs, ranch handwork, equipment repair, seasonal labor with the Forest Service. Russell married in 1988. His wife, Linda, was a waitress at a diner in Naturalita. They had a daughter in 1989.
By 1992, Russell was working sporadically and accumulating debt. He had been arrested twice for writing bad checks and once for possession of marijuana. He was described by neighbors as quiet, polite, and increasingly withdrawn. Curtis Vickers followed a similar trajectory. He had been arrested for shoplifting at age 17 and for DUI at 22.
He lived in a rented trailer outside Naturita, worked intermittently in construction, and had struggled with methamphetamine use since his late 20s. Friends and family members would later describe Curtis as the more volatile of the two brothers, quick to anger, prone to paranoia, but also loyal and protective of those he cared about.
Michael Hobart, the third man, had known the Vicer’s brothers since childhood. He had been expelled from high school in the 10th grade for fighting and had spent his adult life moving between manual labor jobs, petty theft, and periodic incarceration. He had served 8 months in county jail for burglary in 1989.
By 1992, he was living in a camper trailer on property owned by a cousin near Gateway. He had no steady income and no family of his own. According to testimony given later, Hobart was often the person who connected Russell Vickers to opportunities, legal and otherwise, for making money. In the summer of 1992, all three men were in dire financial situations.
Russell owed more than $8,000 in unpaid bills and was facing eviction. Curtis had missed payments on his truck and was at risk of repossession. Hobart had been warned by his cousin that he could no longer stay on the property without contributing rent. It was in this context that the three men agreed to participate in a drug transport operation they believed would pay $15,000.
According to statements given to investigators after their arrests, the plan had been straightforward. A contact in Cortez, later identified as a mid-level distributor named Eduardo Selenus, needed someone to pick up a shipment of methamphetamine and cocaine that would be dropped by vehicle at a pre-arranged location in the uncompig country.
then transported north to a buyer near Grand Junction. The Vicer’s brothers and Hobart would be paid half upfront and half upon delivery. The job required nothing more than driving to a remote location, meeting a courier, and completing the exchange. What they were not told, or perhaps chose not to ask, was why this particular transaction required such isolation, or why they were being paid so much for what appeared to be a simple task.
The answer, which would become clear only later, was that the shipment had been stolen. Selenus was attempting to move compromised product without alerting his suppliers. The transaction was off the books. If something went wrong, there would be no recourse and no protection. Russell Vickers later told investigators that he had misgivings from the beginning.
He knew that involvement in drug trafficking carried serious legal consequences. He also knew that his family depended on him, but the money was more than he could make in 6 months of legitimate work. Curtis and Hobart both urged him to proceed. They argued that the risk was minimal. A single trip, no violence, no direct contact with law enforcement.
Russell, facing eviction and the prospect of losing custody of his daughter, agreed. On the evening of September 10th, 1992, the three men loaded supplies into Russell’s truck, a 1984 Chevrolet K10, with a camper shell, and drove west on Highway 90 toward the turnoff for County Road 90.7. They carried camping gear, a cooler with food and three firearms, a 30 Duro6 hunting rifle owned by Russell, a 12 gauge shotgun belonging to Curtis, and a 9mm pistol that Hobart had acquired through an unregistered private sale. They also carried a handheld CB
radio, topographic maps marked with coordinates, and written instructions from Selenus detailing where and when the exchange would take place. The meeting point was an abandoned mining camp approximately 12 m up County Road 90.7 accessible only by four-wheel drive vehicles. The area consisted of several collapsed structures, rusted equipment, and a flat clearing suitable for parking.
It was surrounded by dense penon Juniper Forest and situated at the head of Serpent Creek Canyon. The courier was scheduled to arrive at noon on September 12th. Russell, Curtis, and Hobart arrived at the site late on the evening of September 10th. They set up camp in the clearing, built a small fire, and settled in to wait. The 12 individuals who would die in Serpent Creek Canyon were members of two separate groups who met for the first time on the morning of September 11th, 1992.
The first group, consisting of seven individuals, had organized their trip through an outdoor recreation club based in Boulder. They were experienced hikers aged between 27 and 41 and included two married couples, two single men and one woman. Their plan was to spend 5 days exploring the less traveled canyons of the uncmpag plateau.
Carrying all their supplies and camping in primitive conditions, they had obtained the necessary permits, filed an itinerary with the forest service, and informed family members of their expected return date. The second group was smaller and less formally organized. It consisted of five college students from Fort Collins, three men and two women aged 19 to 23, who were spending their final week before fall semester classes began on a backpacking trip through western Colorado.
They had less experience than the Boulder group, but they were physically fit, enthusiastic, and adequately equipped. The two groups encountered each other at a trail junction on the morning of September 11th. According to notes found later in one hiker’s journal, the interaction was friendly. They compared maps, discussed route options, and discovered they were both planning to descend into Serpent Creek Canyon from the north.
One member of the Boulder group, a man named Thomas Aldridge, aged 38, who worked as an engineer, suggested they travel together for safety and companionship. The others agreed. By midafter afternoon on September 11th, the combined group of 12 had descended into Serpent Creek Canyon and established a campsite near a series of pools approximately 3 mi downstream from the old mining camp where Russell Vickers, Curtis Vickers, and Michael Hobart were waiting.
The hikers had no knowledge that anyone else was in the area. The canyon was vast, isolated, and appeared entirely empty. That evening, the hikers cooked dinner, purified water from the creek, and prepared for an early start the following morning. Several kept journals. One woman, Rebecca Haynes, aged 27, wrote, “This place feels timeless.
No sound, but wind and water. Hard to believe we’re only a few hours from civilization.” They went to sleep, unaware that less than 3 miles upstream, three armed men were waiting for a drug shipment worth more than $200,000. On the morning of September 12th, 1992, the courier carrying the methamphetamine and cocaine shipment failed to arrive at the designated meeting point.
By noon, Russell Vickers was growing anxious. He and Curtis used the CB radio to attempt contact, following the frequency and call signs Selenus had provided. There was no response. Hobart suggested they wait another hour. Curtis argued they should leave immediately. Russell, caught between fear of walking away from the money and fear of something having gone wrong, decided to wait.
By Tuesday’s PM, it became clear the courier was not coming. The three men faced a decision. They could abandon the operation and return home empty-handed, forfeiting the advanced payment they had already spent, or they could attempt to contact Selenus and determine what had happened.
Russell tried the CB radio again. This time, someone responded. The voice was not Selenus. The man identified himself only as Marco and informed Russell that there had been complications. The courier had been stopped at a checkpoint near Dove Creek and was now in custody. The shipment had been seized. Marco’s tone was cold and direct.
He told Russell that Selenus held him and his partners responsible for the loss. The implication was clear. They owed money for product they had never received. Russell attempted to argue. He explained that they had followed instructions exactly, that the failure was not their fault, that they had never even seen the drugs. Marco interrupted him.
He said that Selenus did not care about explanations. He said that Russell and his partners now owed $40,000, representing a portion of the shipment’s value and that they had two weeks to pay. Then the transmission ended. Curtis, listening to the exchange, immediately understood the danger they were in.
People who failed to pay debts in the drug trade did not receive extensions or payment plans. They received violence. He looked at his brother and said, “We’re fucked.” Hobart, more experienced in criminal activity than either brother, suggested an alternative. If they could not pay the debt, they needed to disappear, leave the state, change their identities, sever all connections.
But Russell had a wife and daughter. Curtis had family. Running was not a realistic option. For the next two hours, the three men sat in the clearing and discussed what to do. According to testimony Russell would later give, this was when the psychological pressure truly began. They had entered into an agreement they believed would solve their financial problems.
And now they were facing a debt they could not pay to people who had no incentive to be merciful. Fear, anger, and desperation rotated through their conversation. At one point, Curtis suggested they go to the police and report the entire situation, accepting whatever legal consequences followed. Hobart dismissed this as suicide. Russell said nothing.
At approximately 4:30 p.m., the situation changed. Curtis, who had walked away from the camp to urinate, heard voices. He froze, listening. The voices were distant but distinct. Multiple people speaking in conversational tones, moving through the forest. Curtis returned to the camp and alerted Russell and Hobart.
All three men grabbed their weapons and moved to the edge of the clearing to observe. Through gaps in the trees, they saw the hikers. The group of 12 was moving up canyon, following the creek bed, heading directly toward the mining camp. They were spread out over a hundred yards, walking in pairs and small clusters, talking and laughing.
They appeared to be ordinary backpackers, unaware of anyone else’s presence. Russell, Curtis, and Hobart retreated into the forest and watched. The logical action would have been to remain hidden and allow the hikers to pass. But Hobart, whose paranoia had been escalating throughout the day, voiced a different concern. He suggested that the hikers might be scouts, individuals sent by Selenus or his associates to observe whether Russell and his partners were cooperating with law enforcement.
Curtis initially dismissed this as irrational, but Hobart persisted. He pointed out that the timing was suspicious. The hikers were approaching from the exact direction the courier should have come. What if they were not hikers at all? Russell, exhausted and frightened, tried to think clearly. He suggested they simply leave, pack up, and drive out before the hikers reached the camp.
But Curtis raised another issue. If the hikers saw their truck, saw the camp, and later reported it to authorities, it could connect them to the EU failed drug transaction. Even if the hikers were innocent, their presence created a risk. The three men remained hidden as the hikers drew closer.
At approximately 5 odd p.m., the lead hikers, a man and woman from the boulder group, entered the clearing where the mining camp stood. They stopped, looked around, and appeared to be discussing whether to set up camp there. The woman pointed toward the ruins of the old structures. The man shook his head, gesturing downstream.
They conferred briefly, then began walking back toward the rest of the group. It was at this moment that Curtis Vickers made the decision that would lead to the massacre. He stood, stepped into the clearing with his shotgun raised, and shouted for the hikers to stop. The initial confrontation lasted approximately 15 minutes, but it set in motion events that could not be reversed.
When Curtis appeared with the shotgun, the two lead hikers, later identified as Thomas Aldridge and Rebecca Haynes, stopped immediately. Aldridge raised his hands. Haynes stepped backward. Curtis ordered them to move to the center of the clearing. Russell and Hobart emerged from the trees, both armed, and positioned themselves to cover the area.
Curtis shouted down canyon toward the other hikers, ordering them to come forward. His voice was sharp, aggressive, amplified by adrenaline and fear. Within minutes, the remaining 10 hikers appeared, moving cautiously toward the clearing. Several had their hands raised. One of the college students, a young man named Jason Porter, asked what was happening.
Curtis told him to shut up and keep moving. Once all 12 hikers were gathered in the clearing, Russell Vickers spoke. His tone was different from his brothers, calmer, more controlled, but carrying an unmistakable threat. He told the hikers that they had entered a restricted area. He asked if they had seen anyone else in the canyon.
The hikers, confused and frightened, said no. Russell asked if they had radios, phones, or any way to communicate with people outside the canyon. One of the Boulder hikers, a man named David Kern, admitted they had a satellite communication device for emergencies stored in one of the packs. Russell ordered them to hand it over.
For the next several minutes, the dynamic appeared almost routine. Armed men conducting an interrogation, frightened civilians complying with orders, but beneath the surface, the situation was disintegrating. Hobart, standing to one side, repeatedly insisted that the hikers were not who they claimed to be.
He said their gear looked too new, too clean. He said their story about being on a recreational hike made no sense. Why would anyone come to this specific canyon at this specific time unless they had been sent? Curtis, already on edge, began to absorb Hobart’s paranoia. He demanded to know who the hikers worked for.
When they insisted they were simply on vacation, Curtis grew more agitated. He accused them of lying. Russell, attempting to deescalate, told Curtis and Hobart to calm down. He turned to the hikers and explained that there had been a misunderstanding. He said they would be allowed to leave, but they needed to hand over their packs first.
The hikers complied, removing their backpacks and placing them on the ground. Russell, Curtis, and Hobart began searching through them, dumping out contents, checking for identification, looking for anything that might confirm or refute Hobart’s suspicions. They found nothing unusual. The packs contained exactly what one would expect: camping gear, food, clothing, maps, personal items.
Several hikers carried journals. One had a camera. There were no radios beyond the emergency satellite device, no weapons, no indication of any connection to law enforcement or organized crime. But Hobart remained unconvinced. He picked up one of the journals, flipped through it, and read aloud several entries describing the hiker’s route and their observations of the canyon.
He pointed to a passage where one hiker had noted seeing fresh tire tracks near the trail head. Hobart turned to Russell and said, “They’ve been watching us. They wrote it down. Russell, exhausted and desperate to end the situation, told Hobart he was being irrational. He told the hikers to take their packs and leave.
He said they had 60 seconds to start moving down canyon and if they ever spoke to anyone about what had happened, there would be consequences. It should have ended there. But one of the college students, a young woman named Emily Sanderson, aged 20, made a decision that altered the outcome. She asked if they could have their emergency communication device back.
She explained that they were 3 days from the nearest road and if something went wrong, an injury, a medical emergency, they would have no way to call for help. Curtis Vickers, interpreting the request as defiance, stepped forward and struck Sanderson across the face with the stock of his shotgun. She fell to the ground, bleeding from her nose and mouth.
Another hiker, Jason Porter, moved to help her. Curtis swung the shotgun toward Porter and told him to stay still. Thomas Aldridge, the engineer from Boulder, who had suggested the two groups travel together, shouted at Curtis to stop. He said they were unarmed, cooperative, and no threat to anyone.
He said violence was unnecessary. Curtis told him to shut up. Aldridge continued speaking, his voice rising, demanding to know what the three men wanted. Curtis shot him. The sound of the shotgun blast echoed off the canyon walls, impossibly loud in the confined space. Aldridge collapsed, a wound in his chest, and died within seconds.
The other hikers began screaming. Some dropped to the ground, others tried to run. Russell Vickers, horrified by what his brother had done, shouted for everyone to stop. But the situation had crossed a threshold. Hobart, convinced now that they were under attack, raised his pistol and fired at a hiker who was running toward the trees.
The bullet struck the man, David Kern, age 33, in the back and he fell. For the next several minutes, chaos consumed the clearing. What followed was not a coordinated execution, but a rapid collapse into panic and violence. After Curtis fired the shot that killed Thomas Aldridge and Hobart fired the shot that wounded David Kern, the remaining 10 hikers reacted in different ways.
Some froze, some attempted to flee. Two individuals, a man named Gregory Nash and a woman named Anna Delaqua, tried to reason with the gunman, shouting that they would leave, that they would not report anything, that there was no need for more violence. But their voices were drowned out by screaming, by the sound of additional gunfire, and by the narrow acoustics of the canyon that turned every noise into an overwhelming sensory assault.
Russell Vickers, according to his later testimony, attempted to regain control. He shouted at Curtis and Hobart to stop shooting. He told the hikers to get on the ground and stop running, but his commands were ineffective. Curtis, now fully committed to a course of action he believed was necessary for survival, fired again.
A college student named Brian Castillo, aged 22, who had been attempting to crawl toward the treeine, was hit in the leg and abdomen. He collapsed and did not move again. Hobart, his paranoia fully overtaking rational thought, moved through the clearing methodically, firing at anyone who was still moving. His 9mm pistol held 15 rounds. He reloaded once.
In the span of less than 3 minutes, he shot five individuals. David Kern, who had been wounded earlier and was attempting to drag himself behind cover. Rebecca Haynes, who had been kneeling over Thomas Aldridge’s body. A college student named Michael Torres, aged 21, who had run toward the trees and made it approximately 30 yards before being shot in the back.
Another college student named Sarah Lynn, age 19, who had tried to hide behind one of the collapsed mining structures. And Gregory Nash, who had been standing with his hands raised, attempting to negotiate. Curtis Vickers fired his shotgun twice more. One shot hit a woman named Jennifer Callahan, aged 29, who had been part of the Boulder Group.
The other hit Jason Porter, the college student who had been attempting to help Emily Sanderson after Curtis struck her. Both died quickly. Russell Vickers, who had not yet fired his rifle, stood at the edge of the clearing and watched the massacre unfold. Later, he would describe this moment as the point at which he understood there was no way to stop what was happening.
His brother and Hobart had committed to a course of action and the only choice remaining was whether to participate or become a witness to something he could not undo. By this point, five hikers were confirmed dead. Thomas Aldridge, David Kern, Brian Castillo, Rebecca Haynes, and Michael Torres. Two more, Jennifer Callahan, and Jason Porter were dying from their wounds.
The remaining five hikers were on the ground, some injured, all in various states of shock and terror. Curtis and Hobart moved among them, checking bodies, ensuring no one was capable of escape. Hobart kicked one hiker, a man named Christopher Young, aged 31, to determine if he was conscious. Young groaned. Hobart shot him once in the head.
Russell, standing near the edge of the clearing, later said that he entered a dissociative state. He described watching the events as if from a distance, unable to process what was happening, unable to reconcile the person his brother had been with the person executing unarmed civilians in front of him. He did not intervene.
He did not fire his weapon, but he also did not stop Curtis or Hobart. The final four hikers, Emily Sanderson, Anna Delaqua, Sarah Lynn, and a man named Patrick Morrison, were still alive. Anna Delqua, age 36, a teacher from Boulder, began to plead. She said she had children. She said her family did not know where she was.
She said she would do anything, sign any statement, make any promise, if they would let her go. Curtis Vickers looked at her for a long moment, then shot her in the chest. Emily Sanderson, bleeding from the earlier blow to her face, tried to crawl toward the treeine. Hobart saw her moving and fired twice. The first shot missed.
The second struck her in the back. She stopped moving. Patrick Morrison, aged 27, a graduate student from Fort Collins, had been lying motionless on the ground, hoping to appear dead. Curtis noticed him breathing and kicked him onto his back. Morrison opened his eyes. Curtis fired. Sarah Lynn, the youngest member of the group at 19 years old, was the last to die.
She had been hiding behind one of the mining structures, unnoticed in the chaos. When Hobart found her, she was crying silently, her hands pressed against her mouth to suppress sound. Hobart called out to Curtis and Russell, telling them there was one more. Curtis walked over, looked down at Lynn, and fired a single shotgun blast. She died instantly.
According to the medical examiner’s report, the entire sequence from the moment Curtis fired the first shot to the death of Sarah Lynn lasted no more than 40 minutes. 12 people were dead. None had been armed. None had resisted after the initial violence began. All had been killed at close range. In the immediate aftermath, the three men stood in the clearing surrounded by bodies and confronted the magnitude of what they had done.
Curtis Vickers, still holding a shotgun, was the first to speak. He said they needed to hide the bodies. If the hikers were discovered quickly, law enforcement would seal off the area and escape would be impossible. Hobart agreed. Russell said nothing. He sat down on the ground, his rifle across his lap, staring at the body of Anna Delqua.
For the next 3 hours, as daylight faded, the three men attempted to conceal evidence of the massacre. They dragged bodies into the brush and covered them with branches and rocks. They gathered the hiker’s gear, backpacks, clothing, sleeping bags, and piled it into their truck. They attempted to clean blood from the clearing, though the effort was feudal.
The sandstone absorbed it, and the volume was too great. They collected spent shell casings, though they missed several in the dim light. At one point, Curtis suggested they burn the bodies. Hobart pointed out that the smoke would be visible for miles and would draw immediate attention. They settled for concealment, hoping that the remote location and the lack of any regular patrols would delay discovery long enough for them to establish alibis.
By the time they finished, it was after 900 p.m. They loaded the last of the hiker’s gear into the truck, extinguished their campfire, and drove out of the canyon. The route back to County Road 90.7 was slow and treacherous in the dark, and they did not reach pavement until after midnight.
They drove east toward Naturita, stopping once to dispose of the hiker’s gear, throwing backpacks, clothing, and equipment into a ravine off the side of the road. The emergency satellite communication device was smashed and thrown into a different location. They arrived in Naturarita at approximately 2 a.m. on September 13th. Curtis and Hobart went to Hobart’s trailer. Russell went home to his wife.
According to Linda Vickers’s later testimony, Russell appeared exhausted and uncommunicative. She asked where he had been. He said he had been camping with Curtis and Hobart. She asked if everything was all right. He said it was. He went to bed and slept for 14 hours. Over the next week, the three men attempted to continue their normal routines. Russell returned to work.
Curtis made excuses to family members about why he was avoiding contact. Hobart stayed in his trailer, drinking heavily and refusing to answer questions from his cousin about where he had been. None of them contacted Eduardo Selenus or anyone else connected to the failed drug transaction.
They made no attempt to pay the debt. They did not discuss what had happened in the canyon. According to testimony Russell later gave, there was an unspoken agreement among the three men that they would never speak of the massacre, never acknowledge it, and never returned to the area. But on September 19th, 1992, Forest Service Ranger David Kchack, conducting a routine patrol of Serpent Creek Canyon, discovered the bodies.
The initial discovery was almost accidental. David Colchack, a ranger with 12 years of experience, had been assigned to inspect trail conditions in the uncompay back country following reports of storm damage. Serpent Creek Canyon was not on his primary route, but he decided to make a detour to check for erosion along the drainage.
At approximately 3:30 p.m., while walking up the creek bed, he noticed a smell, faint, but unmistakable. He followed it to a cluster of brush and rocks approximately 50 yards from the main trail. Beneath the covering, he found the body of Sarah Lynn. Colchack immediately radioed for assistance and secured the area. Over the next several hours, as additional personnel arrived, the scope of the scene became clear.
12 bodies, all showing signs of gunshot trauma, scattered across a/4 mile radius. Personal effects were absent. No identification could be found on site. The scene had been partially concealed, but not expertly. Whoever was responsible had attempted to hide the bodies, but lacked the time or skill to do so effectively.
The investigation was assigned to a joint task force led by the Montrose County Sheriff’s Office with assistance from the Colorado Bureau of Investigation and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The lead investigator was Detective Lieutenant Mark Hensley, a 38-year-old career law enforcement officer with extensive experience in homicide cases.
Hensley’s first priority was identifying the victims. Dental records and fingerprints were collected and the information was cross-referenced with missing person’s reports. By September 21st, all 12 individuals had been positively identified. Families were notified. The media, which had been reporting on the discovery as a potential hiking accident, now understood they were covering a mass homicide.
The second priority was determining motive and identifying suspects. Hensley and his team began reconstructing the victim’s movements. They interviewed family members, reviewed the hiker’s itineraries, and examined journal entries found with the bodies. It became clear that the victims had no connection to one another beyond the trip.
No history of involvement in criminal activity, and no apparent reason anyone would want them dead. The working theory was that they had witnessed something, an illegal activity, a drug transaction, or another crime, and had been killed to prevent them from reporting it. Forensic analysis of the scene provided critical evidence.
Shell casings recovered from the clearing indicated three different firearms, a shotgun, a rifle, and a pistol. Ballistics analysis confirmed that multiple shooters had been involved. Tire tracks found near the mining camp suggested a vehicle had been present and soil samples were collected for comparison. Blood spatter patterns indicated that several victims had attempted to flee and that the killings had not been instantaneous.
There had been a sequence of events, a progression. The breakthrough came on September 28th when a local resident named Carl Jensen contacted the sheriff’s office. Jensen, who owned a ranch near Natarita, reported that he had seen a truck, a Chevrolet K10 with a camper shell, driving out of County Road 90.
7 late on the night of September 12th. He remembered the vehicle because it was moving unusually fast for the rough road and because he recognized it as belonging to Russell Vickers, a man he knew from town. Jensen had thought nothing of it at the time, but after seeing news reports about the massacre, he wondered if it might be relevant. Hensley immediately prioritized Russell Vickers as a person of interest.
Background checks revealed Russell’s criminal history, his financial difficulties, and his association with Curtis Vickers and Michael Hobart. All three men were brought in for questioning on September 30th. The initial interviews yielded nothing. Russell, Curtis, and Hobart all denied being in Serpent Creek Canyon on September 12th.
They claimed they had been camping in a different area near Disappointment Creek, approximately 50 mi away, and had no knowledge of the massacre. They provided vague details about their activities, but no witnesses who could corroborate their alibi. Hensley, unconvinced, obtained search warrants for their homes and vehicles. On October 2nd, investigators searched Russell’s truck.
Inside the camper shell, they found traces of blood subsequently matched through DNA analysis to three of the victims and fibers consistent with material from the hiker’s backpacks. In Curtis’s trailer, they found a 12 gauge shotgun and ammunition matching the casings recovered from the scene. In Hobart’s camper, they found a 9mm pistol, also matching casings from the scene.
On October 4th, 1992, Russell Vickers, Curtis Vickers, and Michael Hobart were arrested and charged with 12 counts of first-degree murder. Following their arrests, the three men were held without bail and placed in separate cells. Prosecutors made it clear that they intended to seek the death penalty for all defendants.
The case, given its scale and brutality, attracted national media attention. Families of the victims demanded justice. Advocacy groups called for swift prosecution, but behind the scenes, the case was not as straightforward as it appeared. The evidence was strong. Forensics linked all three men to the scene, and the timeline was consistent with witness accounts of the truck leaving the area.
However, establishing motive and reconstructing the exact sequence of events required cooperation from at least one of the defendants. Prosecutors needed someone to explain why 12 unarmed hikers had been executed in a remote canyon. The first break came from Michael Hobart. On October 12th, after consulting with a court-appointed attorney, Hobart indicated he was willing to provide information in exchange for a reduced sentence.
He met with prosecutors and over the course of several hours described the failed drug transaction, the paranoia that had overtaken the group, and the events that led to the massacre. His account was self-serving. He portrayed himself as a reluctant participant who had been following Curtis’s lead, but it provided the framework investigators needed.
Curtis Vickers informed that Hobart was cooperating, refused to make any statement. His attorney filed motions to suppress evidence, challenged the legality of the searches, and argued that Curtis had been coerced during questioning. None of the motions succeeded. Russell Vickers, isolated from his brother and Hobart, faced a different internal struggle.
According to his attorney, Russell experienced a psychological collapse in the days following his arrest. He refused to eat, barely slept, and spent hours writing letters to his wife and daughter. On October 18th, he requested a meeting with Detective Hensley. Without his attorney present, a decision that would later be challenged on appeal, Russell gave a full confession.
His account differed from Hobart’s in critical details. Russell admitted that he, Curtis, and Hobart had been in Serpent Creek Canyon on September 12th, waiting for a drug shipment. He confirmed that the shipment had failed to arrive and that they had encountered the hikers by chance. But Russell placed responsibility for the decision to confront the hikers on Curtis and Hobart.
He described his own role as passive. He had been present. He had not intervened, but he had not fired his weapon. He insisted that he had tried to let the hikers leave and that the violence had escalated beyond his control. Russell’s confession was detailed, specific, and emotionally raw. He described Curtis shooting Thomas Aldridge as the moment everything changed.
He described the chaos that followed, the screaming, the rapid succession of gunshots. He described standing at the edge of the clearing, paralyzed by shock and horror, watching his brother and Hobart kill unarmed people. He said he did not know why he had not stopped them. He said he did not understand how it had happened. Prosecutors were skeptical of Russell’s claim that he had not participated directly in the killings.
Forensic evidence indicated that three weapons had been used and Russell had been in possession of a 3006 rifle. While no bullets from the rifle were definitively matched to any of the victims, ballistics analysis was complicated by the condition of the bodies and the variety of wounds. The absence of proof that Russell had fired was not proof that he had not.
But Russell’s confession provided something invaluable, a coherent narrative. It explained motive. It established timeline and it corroborated physical evidence. Prosecutors used it to build their case. On November 20th, 1992, a grand jury indicted Russell James Vickers, Curtis Wayne Vickers, and Michael Dean Hobart on 12 counts of first-degree murder, one count of conspiracy to commit murder, and multiple counts related to drug trafficking.
All three men pleaded not guilty. The decision was made to try the three defendants separately. Michael Hobart’s trial began first in March 1993. Curtis Vickers’s trial followed in June 1993. Russell Vickers’s trial, the most complex due to his confession and his claim of non-participation, was scheduled for September 1993. Hobart’s trial lasted 3 weeks.
The prosecution presented forensic evidence linking him to the scene, testimony from investigators, and portions of his own statements describing his role. The defense argued that Hobart had been acting under duress, that Curtis Vickers had been the instigator, and that Hobart had feared for his own life if he refused to participate.
The jury deliberated for 4 days before returning a verdict of guilty on all counts. Hobart was sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole on each of the 12 murder counts to be served consecutively. Curtis Vickers’s trial was more contentious. Curtis refused to testify and his attorney built a defense around the argument that the prosecution had failed to prove which specific shots Curtis had fired and therefore could not prove he was responsible for any individual death.
The prosecution countered with ballistics evidence, witness statements, and Russell’s confession, which implicated Curtis as the first shooter and the primary driver of the violence. The jury found Curtis guilty on all 12 counts of first-degree murder. He was sentenced to death by lethal injection. Russell Vickers’s trial, which began in September 1993, became a referendum on the question of moral and legal culpability.
Russell did not deny being present at the massacre. He did not deny participating in the drug transaction attempt. But his defense attorney argued that Russell had not fired a weapon, had not made the decision to confront the hikers, and had been a passive witness to violence initiated by others. The prosecution argued that Russell’s presence, his failure to intervene, and his participation in concealing the bodies made him equally responsible under Colorado’s felony murder statute.
The trial featured emotional testimony from families of the victims. Rebecca Haynes’s mother described her daughter’s kindness and intelligence. Thomas Aldridge’s wife described the loss of her husband and the father of her children. Jason Porter’s parents described their son’s ambitions and the future that had been stolen from him.
The cumulative weight of these statements was devastating. Russell’s confession was read in full to the jury. His attorney argued that the confession demonstrated remorse, honesty, and a desire to take responsibility for his failures without exaggerating his role. The prosecution argued that the confession was self-serving and that Russell’s claim of passivity was contradicted by his actions.
He had helped conceal the bodies, dispose of evidence, and establish an alibi. On October 12th, 1993, after 6 days of deliberation, the jury found Russell Vickers guilty on all 12 counts of firstdegree murder. The sentencing phase took an additional week. The jury, unable to reach a unanimous decision on the death penalty, recommended life in prison without parole.
The judge imposed 12 consecutive life sentences. The legal proceedings concluded, but the consequences of September 12th, 1992, continued to reverberate through the lives of everyone connected to the case. Linda Vickers, Russell’s wife, filed for divorce in 1994. She moved with their daughter to another state and changed their names.
In a statement given to a local newspaper, she said she could not reconcile the man she had married with the person who had stood by while 12 people were killed. She said she did not know if Russell was a monster or a coward, but that the distinction no longer mattered. Curtis Vickers remained on death row in Colorado for more than a decade. His appeals were unsuccessful.
In 2007, he waved his remaining appeals and requested that his execution proceed. On August 14th, 2007, Curtis Vickers was executed by lethal injection at the Colorado State Penitentiary. He was 44 years old. According to witnesses, his final words were, “I’m sorry for what I did. I’m sorry for who I became.
” Michael Hobart, serving consecutive life sentences, spent the remainder of his life in administrative segregation due to repeated disciplinary infractions. He died in prison in 2018 from complications related to liver disease. He was 64 years old. Russell Vickers, now in his 60s, remains incarcerated. He has participated in multiple interviews over the years, always maintaining that he did not fire a weapon during the massacre, but acknowledging his failure to intervene.
In a 2015 interview with a journalist, he said, “I think about those people every day. I see their faces. I don’t expect forgiveness. I don’t expect understanding. I just want people to know it wasn’t supposed to happen. None of it was supposed to happen.” The families of the 12 victims have pursued different paths in processing their loss.
Some have become advocates for crime victim’s rights. Others have sought privacy and distance from the public memory of the case. Rebecca Haynes’s mother established a scholarship fund in her daughter’s name to support students pursuing careers in environmental conservation. Thomas Aldridge’s widow remarried and moved to another state, but she returns to Colorado once a year to visit the site where her husband died.
The location of the massacre, Serpent Creek Canyon, is no longer a popular hiking destination. The Forest Service briefly considered closing the area entirely, but ultimately decided against it. However, the trails are rarely maintained, and few people venture into that particular drainage. A small memorial plaque was installed in 2002, bearing the names of the 12 victims and the date of their deaths.
It reads, “In memory of those who came here seeking peace and found tragedy instead. In the years following the massacre, several investigative reports and true crime documentaries examined the case. Most focused on the question of how three men with no prior history of violence could commit such an act. Psychologists and criminologists offered various explanations.
Desperation, group think, the dehumanization that occurs when individuals are seen as threats rather than people. But no single theory fully accounts for the speed with which the situation collapsed or the methodical nature of the killings once they began. The drug trafficking connection, the failed transaction that had brought Russell Curtis and Hobart to the canyon in the first place, was never fully resolved.
Eduardo Selenas, the distributor who had arranged the deal, was arrested in 1994 on unrelated charges and sentenced to 20 years in federal prison. He refused to provide information about the events of September 1992, and investigators were unable to determine whether the debt he claimed the vicer’s brothers owed had been genuine or a pretext.
The broader trafficking network, if it existed, was never dismantled. The Colorado Canyon massacre of 1992 occupies a particular space in the American criminal consciousness. Not because it was the most violent or the most shocking, but because it reveals how quickly ordinary life can intersect with irreversible tragedy when desperation, fear, and bad decisions compound upon one another.
Russell, Curtis, and Michael were not professional criminals. They were not members of a cartel or a violent gang. They were three men from a declining rural community who had run out of options and saw in a single illegal transaction a solution to problems they did not know how else to solve. The decision to participate in drug trafficking was reckless and morally compromised, but it was not in itself an act of violence.
What happened in Serpent Creek Canyon was not premeditated. It was not planned. It emerged from a collision of bad luck, paranoia, and panic. The 12 hikers who died that day were not targeted. They were not involved in anything illegal. They were simply in the wrong place at the wrong time. Their deaths were not the result of a calculated execution, but a series of escalating decisions made by frightened men who convinced themselves they had no alternative.
The first shot fired by Curtis Vickers transformed a tense confrontation into a massacre. Once that threshold was crossed, the momentum of violence became almost unstoppable. This is not to excuse what happened. 12 people died because three men chose to confront them, chose to threaten them, and chose to kill them rather than allow them to leave.
The law correctly held Russell, Curtis, and Michael accountable for those choices. But understanding how those choices were made, understanding the psychological and social pressures that shaped them, forces us to confront uncomfortable questions about desperation, complicity, and the fragility of moral restraint. If Russell Vickers had refused to participate in the drug transaction, would the massacre have happened? If Curtis had not fired the first shot, would the hikers have been allowed to leave? If any of the three men had walked away at any point
in the hours leading up to the confrontation, would 12 people still be alive? The answer almost certainly is yes. But the fact that such decisions seem obvious in hindsight does not mean they were obvious in the moment. Russell, Curtis, and Michael were not monsters. They were ordinary men facing extraordinary pressure, making decisions in real time without the clarity that distance and reflection provide.
This does not diminish their guilt, but it does complicate our understanding of how ordinary people become capable of atrocity. The victims of the Serpent Creek Canyon massacre deserve to be remembered not as statistics, but as individuals who had lives, families, dreams, and futures that were stolen from them.
Thomas Aldridge was an engineer who loved hiking and photography. Rebecca Haynes was a teacher who volunteered at environmental nonprofits. Jason Porter was a college student planning to study medicine. Sarah Lynn was a 19-year-old with her entire life ahead of her. Each of the 12 had value that cannot be measured or replaced.
Their deaths were not inevitable. They were the result of choices made by people who believed in that moment that they had no other option. And that is perhaps the most disturbing aspect of this case. Not that it happened, but that it could happen. that ordinary people under sufficient pressure are capable of making decisions that destroy not only others lives but their own.
The Colorado Canyon massacre of 1992 is a story about desperation. It is a story about the collapse of rural economies and the people left behind. It is a story about the drug trade and the way it poisons communities. It is a story about fear, paranoia, and the speed with which violence can spiral out of control.
But most of all, it is a story about the cost of bad decisions. Not just to those who make them, but to everyone caught in the radius of their consequences. 12 people went into Serpent Creek Canyon seeking solitude and beauty. They found death instead. Three men went into that canyon seeking money and escape from debt. They found guilt, imprisonment, and the knowledge that they had destroyed lives, including their own.
None of them anticipated what would happen. None of them planned it. But all of them lived with the consequences for the rest of their lives. That is the legacy of September 12th, 1992. Not a story of heroes and villains, but a story of human failure in its most tragic and irreversible form.